Why Donald Trump Secured a Breakthrough in the Middle East Yet Struggles With Putin Over the Ukraine Conflict

Reports of an impending US-Russia presidential meeting have been overstated, apparently.

Just days after Donald Trump announced he planned to confer with Russian President Vladimir Putin in the Hungarian capital - "within two weeks or so" - the summit has been suspended indefinitely.

A initial meeting by the two nations' top diplomats has been cancelled, too.

"I prefer not to have a fruitless discussion," Donald Trump told the press at the White House on Tuesday afternoon. "I aim to avoid a pointless effort, so I will observe what transpires."

• Trump says he did not want a 'unproductive session' after plan for Putin talks postponed
• Disappointment in Ukraine's capital as Zelensky leaves Washington without results

The on-again, off-again summit is just the latest twist in the president's efforts to mediate an end to hostilities in Ukraine – a subject of renewed focus for the US president after he arranged a truce and hostage release agreement in the Palestinian territory.

While making remarks in the North African country last week to commemorate that truce deal, Trump addressed Steve Witkoff, with a new request.

"We have to get the Russian situation done," he declared.

Nonetheless, the conditions that aligned to make a Middle East success achievable for the negotiation team may be difficult to replicate in a Ukraine war that has been raging for nearing four years.

Reduced Influence

According to the lead negotiator, the crucial element to achieving a agreement was the Israeli government's move to attack Hamas negotiators in Qatar. It was a move that angered US partners in the Arab world but provided the president leverage to pressure Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu into making a deal.

The US president gained from a history of supporting Israel since his initial presidency, including his choice to relocate the American embassy to Jerusalem, to alter America's position on the lawfulness of Jewish communities in the West Bank and, more recently, his backing for Israeli defense operations against the Islamic Republic.

The US president, in fact, is more popular among Israelis than their prime minister – a situation that provided him with special sway over the Israeli leader.

Combine Trump's political and economic ties to key Arab players in the area, and he had a wealth of diplomatic muscle to force an agreement.

Regarding the conflict in Ukraine, on the other hand, the president has much less leverage. Over the past nine months, he has vacillated between efforts to strong-arm Putin and then Zelensky, all with minimal visible progress.

The US leader has threatened to enact new sanctions on Russia's oil and gas sales and to provide the Ukrainian forces with advanced missile systems. But he has also acknowledged that such actions could harm the global economy and further escalate the conflict.

Meanwhile, the US leader has criticized openly Zelensky, temporarily cutting off intelligence-sharing with Ukraine and suspending arms shipments to the country - only to then back off in the wake of concerned European allies who caution a defeat of Ukraine could disrupt the entire region.

Trump loves to tout his ability to meet and hammer out deals, but his personal discussions with the Russian and Ukrainian leaders haven't seemed to move the war any nearer a peaceful end.

The Russian president may actually be exploiting the US leader's wish for a deal – and belief in in-person deal-making - as a means of influencing him.

During the summer, Russia's leader agreed to a high-level meeting in the US state at the time when it appeared likely that Trump would sign off on legislative penalties backed by Senate Republicans. That legislation was afterwards put on hold.

Last week, as reports spread that the White House was seriously contemplating sending long-range missiles and Patriot anti-air batteries to Ukraine, the Russian leader phoned the US president who then touted the possible meeting in Hungary.

The following day, the president welcomed Zelensky at the White House, but departed empty-handed after a allegedly strained discussion.

Trump insisted that he was not being played by Putin.

"As you are aware, I've been played throughout my career by skilled operators, and I came out really well," he said.

But the president of Ukraine subsequently commented on the timeline of developments.

"As soon as the matter of advanced weaponry became a little further away for Ukraine – for our nation – the Russian side almost automatically became less engaged in diplomacy," he said.

So, in a matter of days, Trump has shifted from considering the idea of sending missiles to Ukraine to planning a meeting in Hungary with Putin and privately pressuring Zelensky to cede all of Donbas – including land Russia has been failed to capture.

He has ultimately decided on advocating a ceasefire along current battle lines – something the Russian government has rejected.

On the campaign trail previously, the candidate vowed that he could resolve the conflict in Ukraine in a very short time. He has since abandoned that pledge, saying that ending the war is proving harder than he expected.

It has been a rare acknowledgement of the constraints of his authority – and the challenge of establishing a framework for peace when neither side desires, or is able to, give up the fight.